All Historical


I shall return now to the events surrounding Gonzalo Pizarro. Following the victory at Iñaquito in the north near Quito on January 18, 1546, and the suppression of the insurrection at his mines in the south of the country, Gonzalo Pizzaro was now uncontested master of Peru. From the northern ports of Nombre de Dios and Panamá to the lands of Quito, Lima, Cusco, and Potosi, all hailed Gonzalo as their Governor. With this power, he was sorely tempted to disavow the Crown and create an independent government for himself. Commander Francisco de Carbajál counseled him to do so, saying that the people would support him. He even went so far as to recommend that Gonzalo marry one of Inca Paullu's wives so that the two races might join together in peace.1 But Pizarro rejected this. Despite his recent battles with representatives of the Crown, he was not prepared to do likewise with the King. He resolved, therefore, to prepare for a journey to Spain to solicit an amnesty from Him for his past deeds and convince Him to confirm him as the successor to his brother, Francisco. Such was his plan for the future, so soon to be undone.

As for matters in Spain, they are well known. When Vaca de Castro, the retired Viceroy of Peru, arrived in our home country, he described the riotous events here in Peru. The King listened attentively and understood that, because of the rash actions of Viceroy Blasco Vela, he needed a man of higher character with more extraordinary powers. He and his court resolved that an ecclesiastic, Father Pedro de la Gasca,2 a man of impeccable intelligence and sanctified temperament, should be the man to reset Peru on a lawful and correct course. When told of his appointment and the nature of his assignment, he responded that the powers entrusted to him were entirely inappropriate for him to succeed. He maintained that he might only be successful if he had the entire authority of the King, something that caused a great stir at court but not with the King. When he heard la Gasca's reasoning, he agreed with it completely and appointed him the President of the Royal Audience. With this title, he was at the head of every government department of Peru, civil, military, and judicial. He had the power to grant encomiendas and confirm those already granted. He could declare war, levy troops, appoint to all offices and remove from the same. He could pardon all offenses, and had the authority especially to grant amnesty to all implicated in the recent rebellion. And, of most import, he was to proclaim the revocation of the abhorrent ordinances of Blasco Vela. These last two provisions would form the basis for all his operations, and all these powers to be exercised, at his insistence, with no salary or compensation.

IMAGES: 9Y-Z.25 and .26 are portraits of President de la Gasca.

With these astonishing matters settled, Pedro de la Gasca set off for Peru on 26 May of 1546, accompanied by Captain Alonso de Alvarado and a meager staff of judges composing the Royal Audience and their few attendants. Thus he traveled, not as an army commander with a vast number of troops, but as a peaceful priest, although vested with presidential powers. In mid-July, he and his party landed at Nombre de Dios. Here they heard from the port commander, Lieutenant Hernán Mexía,3 a staunch Gonzalo Pizarro follower, of the victory of Pizarro at Iñaquito, the defeat and death of the Viceroy, and of Pizarro's establishment of his absolute rule over the land. He learned furthermore that all ports were under the command of an officer with orders to question closely any arrival from Spain and refuse entry if they could not produce the appropriate documentation as to their purpose in coming. If la Gasca had arrived with a menacing attitude and accompanied by troops, he doubtless would have encountered difficulties. But Mexía saw none but a humble priest and unarmed aides. And, when advised by la Gasca of the King's commission to him and the bestowal of the extraordinary powers to rule this land and the people, the lieutenant, though previously loyal to Gonzalo, recognized that perhaps he had been remiss in backing Pizarro's revolt and here before him was the means to right his wrong with amnesty. Thus, for that reason, he assured President la Gasca of his support for the King's work of reform.

Crossing over to the port of Panamá, the Governor there, Pedro de Hinojosa, long a disciple of the Pizarros and appointed recently by Gonzalo to this important post, heard the astonishing story from the humble priest of the powers invested in him by the King. This officer was not as hasty as Mexía had been to believe the President's story and even distrusted the documents with the King's signature and royal seal. He thus sent off a query to Gonzalo, telling him of the President's arrival and asking for Pizarro's instructions as to how to deal with this priest with great powers. While waiting for Pizarro's response, Father de la Gasca enlisted the aid of a Dominican priest4 to spread the word of his coming and the extraordinary powers he possessed, in particular those of rescinding the ordinances and his authorization to grant pardons to all those involved with the rebellion of Pizarro. As word spread of his arrival and his powers granted by the King, more joined his ranks. But de Hinojosa remained unmoved for the present since he felt duty bound to first hear from Gonzalo before taking action. De Alvarado, once a compatriot of Hinojosa's as captain under Francisco Pizarro, attempted to convince him to join the royalists. But his entreaties had no effect.

While waiting for Gonzalo's response, the President persuaded de Hinojosa to dispatch a ship to Lima with two letters for Pizarro. The first was from the King was conciliatory, and lacked any reference to rebellion, intimating that Pizarro had acted according to the circumstances imposed upon him. But he did not state that he would confirm him as Governor, and referred him to the correspondence from la Gasca as to his, the King's, desires. La Gasca's letter was somewhat more direct. The exigencies that motivated the actions of Pizarro existed no longer. All that he requested had been granted and there was now nothing to contend for. His duty and that of his followers was to show their loyalty to the Crown. If they did not, his enemy must be his Sovereign, and the people of Peru surely could not allow this and would desert him.

When presented with these letters by la Gasca's emissary, Paniagua,5 Gonzalo consulted with President Cepeda as to how to respond, since de Carbajál was in Potosí. After days of discussion, Pizarro decided that direct correspondence with the King, and not with a representative like la Gasca, was the proper course of action. He relied on his trusted captain, Lorenzo de Aldana,6 a loyal partisan, for this all-important mission of state. In addition to the many legal documents and letters of intent from Pizarro's aides, he carried a letter signed by seventy of the wealthy landowners in Lima arguing for the King's approval of Pizarro as President. Aldana set off quickly on his journey for Spain. When he entered Panamá and was received by la Gasca, though, the captain listened with great surprise at the nature of the President's powers and the extent of the concessions to the insurgents that he was sanctioned to extend. As Father spoke, Aldana's expression was one of incredulity. He asked questions for clarity and exclaimed, "Your Grace, I now see that I have been in the wrong, and I can no longer act against my King and ruler. I declare myself for the Crown!" There was a good deal of passion in his words, and la Gasca took his hands in his and saluted him warmly. And, to show that his was not an idle promise, Aldana wrote to Pizarro, told of his recent actions, and begged Gonzalo to let the revolt end and turn himself and his men to the cause of the Crown. He signed it and asked the President to sign too.

Aldana's declaration for the King had the proper effect on de Hinojosa and his men, and on 19 November of 1546 they signed the oath of allegiance to Castile and transferred control of Pizarro's fleet to President de la Gasca.7 Thus was accomplished by the patient priest, a momentous event without force or deception that would further his influence on those in Peru still in insurrection.8 He began now to raise the numbers of his forces by offering generous pay to soldiers by petitioning men in Mexico, Guatemala, and Panamá, to join the Crown's cause, and he sent notice to Captain Belalcázar in Popayán to meet him with all his available forces when he entered the north of Peru. Afterward, he dispatched Aldana and four ships of the fleet to stand off the port of Lima and provide haven for those loyal to Castile. Furthermore, Gasca gave Aldana authenticated copies of the President's commission from the Crown for Gonzalo, that he might think again of abandoning his revolution.

When Pizarro received the President's proclamations, he kept them from the citizens of Lima. But he asked de Carbajál, recently summoned back from Potosí, and Cepeda, for their advice. The sagacious Commander recognized the exalted position of the President and advised Pizarro to accept the proposed terms. Cepeda, though, was of a different mind, and argued strenuously for the rejection of de la Gasca's offers. The destiny of Gonzalo hung in the balance. And when he allowed his unbridled ambition to decide for revolt, his rebel's fate was sealed. This he did even though Aldana had sent word of his and de Hinojosa's defections and the surrender of Pizarro's fleet to the President. Furthermore, this unwanted intelligence was followed by the news of a further defection of men in the principal towns in the north and the assassination of Lieutenant Puelles, the faithful officer he had placed in charge of the government in Quito. More unwelcome reports came. Captain Centeño, who had led the rebellion at Potosí and was defeated by de Carbajál there, had emerged from hiding at hearing of the advance of la Gasca. Declaring for the Crown once more, he, Alonso de Mendoza, and Luis de Ribera,9 raised a thousand troops, including Pedro Pizarro and Melchior Verdugo, fell on Cusco, and secured it for the King.10 They rode on south, mustered more royalists, and eventually raised camp on the southern shores of Lake Titicaca at the town of Huarina to await orders from President la Gasca.

All these reports would have discouraged most others from pursuing their plans for rebellion, Excellency, but Gonzalo Pizarro was not one of "most others." He wrote letters of encouragement to his captains and reminded them of their loyalty to him. And the Governor used his silver supplies to outfit his troops with the best of arms and the most colorful of uniforms. Further, he ensured that all his men had a horse, a large expense. No less costly was the pay for his troops. All in all, his generosity cost him half a million pesos de oro, the amount obtained from Lima's wealthy citizens11 and large amounts of silver from his mines. Aware that la Gasca was somewhere near Lima, Gonzalo took the advice of de Carbajál and marched his army of 500 men, now depleted by desertions, south to Arequipa, a settlement still true to him. From there, he and his men planned to march to Chile, a land beyond the jurisdiction of de la Gasca, and there decide what further course of action to take.12 It was now that there was a visible change in Gonzalo's temperament. The frequent defections filled him with suspicions and he did not know in whom to trust. Anyone he suspected as indifferent to his cause he treated as an open enemy. His soldiers could not tell what his reactions to common occurrences might be, and this caused uneasiness when he needed their trust and support.13

As to Aldana, anchored with his ships off the Lima port of Callao, he now took advantage of the retreat of Pizarro by sending his aides into the capital, where they delivered the President's manifestos to the citizens. Since Gonzalo had not shared them with the people, they had not known the purpose of his mission, the extent of his powers, or the generous terms he was prepared to offer. Learning of his extraordinary authorities, they recognized that President de la Gasca was their savior. They opened the city's gates to Aldana and his men, and all waited for the President's arrival.

As for that prelate, he had sailed from Panamá with the entire fleet on 10 April of 1547. But the voyage was beset by violent gales that continued for days, the sea lashed into a fury, the ships tossed about on the mountainous wave tops. The rain fell in torrents, and the lightning was so incessant that the vessels seemed to sail over a sea of flames. None of this deterred de la Gasca and he ordered full sail set amidst the weather's violence.

Having learned that Pizarro was on the march to Chile, Centeño, as noted above, had sent men to guard the mountain passes along his route. Told of this when he reached Lake Titicaca, Pizarro resolved to try negotiation and sent Licentiate Cepeda to the Huarina site as his emissary. Pizarro's message referred to the previous friendly relations between them and the lone favor he requested of his former companion was to allow him free passage across the mountains. To this, Centeño answered that he remembered their past friendship but he was now beholden to the royalist cause and he must honor that commitment. He asked Pizarro to do likewise, declare for the King, or there was nothing left but the course of warfare.14

IMAGES: 9Y-Z.27, .28 are images of Huarina and its location.

When Gonzalo received this reply, he conceived a stratagem to confuse his opponent and sent Juan de Acosta and his scouts to the southwest while he marched directly south for Huarina. But a royalist spy surprised the deception and warned Centeño. That Captain, who was now suffering from a great fever and thus was carried in a litter,15 appointed Juan de Ribera and Alonso de Mendoza16 to replace him. Those Captains posted their men to the north of the town to receive the enemy. Thus, on the 26th of October of 1547, the two armies, with their troops in battle order, marched forward over the open and level ground near the shores of Lake Titicaca. The royal force numbered a thousand men, with 250 horse, 600 somewhat undisciplined infantry, according to Pedro Pizarro, and 150 arquebusiers, a number in need of ammunition. The foot soldiers anchored the center of their line, flanked by the muskets in two equal divisions, while the cavalry stood on the left and right wings. The militant bishop of Cusco, Juan de Solano17 and his combative assistant, Father Domingo Ruíz, rode along the ranks bestowing benedictions upon the men with their silver crucifixes.

The injuries and deaths on both sides made this a remarkable engagement, the most fatal battle yet fought in the land of Peru. Three hundred and fifty of Centeño's men were killed, while the number of wounded was even greater. Over a hundred of Gonzalo's force met the same fate of death, with half as many injuries.18

The rebel leader now turned his forces towards Cusco, where he arrived in early November. The citizens, always flexible in their allegiances, received him with a Mass of Thanksgiving at the cathedral, followed by the chanting of the Te Deum. In celebration of his successes, the citizens offered great displays of music and festivities lasting into the night. All thoughts of a journey to Chile Gonzalo now put aside. He intended to remain in Cusco, increase the numbers of his troops, and await a final determination as to whether he would remain the master of Peru.

Juan de la Torre, who had joined de la Gasca at Xauxa while he awaited word on matters to the south, said that when they heard of the rout of the President's forces at Huarina, all the men were downcast. The news dealt a grievous shock to the confidence of the men, and at first they feared they might not survive. But the President, a priest of an even temper in good times as well as ill, gathered them together to improve their frame of mind. They had been too optimistic, he said, and Heaven had rebuked their presumption. He observed further that the Lord, when He designed to punish the guilty, allowed them to as high an elevation as possible so that their fall might be all the greater. And so it must be with the insurgents. With Our Lord's help and in the King's name, we would restore this kingdom of Peru to the rightful ownership of the Crown. This changed the mood of the men and had the effect that they saw all things now in a different light.

President de la Gasca, sensing the difference in the disposition of his men, knew that now was the occasion to repair the injury caused by the loss at Huarina. He sent men to Lima, Ayacucho, and many other towns to gather the royalist fugitives who had fled the battle and to recruit new troops. He dispatched de Alvarado to Callao with orders to collect the heavy guns from the fleet's ships and convey them to Xauxa. Strengthened by numbers of men in excess of Pizarro's, he and his troops left the settlement on 29 December of 1547. Heavy rains made the roads near impassable and forced his decision to remain near the town of Andahuaylas19 until dry weather returned. He stayed busy and directed the construction of a medical center to see to the needs of men sickened by the constant rains. The President visited this site every day, and recited prayers over the unwell, such actions endearing him to his men.

And all through this period, the President was joined daily by a stream of reinforcements, all wishing to bring the rebellion of Pizarro to a close and restore the land to the rule of law. Captain Centeño, disgraced at Huarina and eager to redeem himself, arrived with a number of the men who had fled that battle. Captain Belalcázar, the conqueror of Quito, came from Popayán with a contingent of two hundred horse and foot. But the most valued captain to appear on the scene was Pedro de Valdivia, the veteran of the Italian wars and esteemed by all as the most accomplished soldier in all Peru. Amadís said that when he entered camp after his march from Chile, the President stated that, "he would rather see him than a reinforcement of eight hundred men."20 All told, la Gasca counted 800 musket men, 600 infantry, and 500 horse. Not least of all, he had the eleven heavy guns taken from the ships of the fleet. Besides these military accouterments, the bishops of Quito, Lima, and Cusco, the four members of the Audience, as well as a number of priests and monks, joined the ranks of the President's entourage.21 Their presence gave royal authority and a sacred notion to the cause, which had a beneficial effect on the soldiers. De la Gasca's retinue was in sharp contrast to the wild and reckless adventurers who composed Gonzalo's rebels of rebellion.

With the weather now improved, the President and his captains in March of 1548 began the advance on Cusco. On the second day of the journey, they encountered the Río Abancay, where Pizarro's men had demolished the bridge over it. But Valdivia, having knowledge of such matters, directed the two day effort to construct a new one, and the men began to cross it in safety. Juan de Acosta, whom Gonzalo had sent with twenty men to locate the President, saw this and returned to inform Pizarro. The President's men now decreased their pace to six miles a day, since the roads were steep and narrow. But the distance to the next obstacle was brief and they shortly attained the Río Apurimac, here flowing through a precipitous gorge with high mountain walls on either side. The rebels had destroyed the bridge here too and de la Gasca sent Valdivia downriver to locate another site for a passage over the waters. The position he found was in a deep and narrowly compressed canyon below the small village of Cotabambas. Valdivia recognized the importance of moving swiftly forward and he guided the men in the construction work all through that night. The President and his men arrived the coming morning and joined the construction work, de la Gasca laboring with his soldiers. Late that night, the bridge was finished and the President, with thanks to Valdivia for his supervision, ordered his men across. By the coming day, all had crossed to the opposite bank and rested before confronting their next complication. This was the abruptness of the mountain walls they had to climb and some doubted that they could succeed. But de la Gasca said a dry Mass, at which he preached that with the Lord's help they would conquer all. "And our King expects every man to do his duty for the Crown." This had the right effect and that evening the slow, tortured climb up the mountain side began. Valdivia and the other captains, de la Gasca with them, rallied the men and cheered them on. "It was the most difficult night any of us had lived through," said de la Torre. "The Indians had constructed the road with twenty-four curves to lessen the extreme steepness, but this did not reduce our physical struggles, above all that of pulling the cannon upwards. But, please the Lord, we survived it!" At length, as the dark of night began to merge into the light of day, the first of the soldiers crested the high point of the near vertical slope. More followed, all exhausted, and by the end of the day, the President and his royalist army stood proudly upon the heights.22 Here I must leave de la Gasca and his men and return to Gonzalo and his actions in Cusco.

IMAGES: See 9Y-Z.31 for an image of this road of twenty-four curves up the mountain side.

It was not enough that the rebel leader was remiss in not guarding the mountain passes against the coming of the President and his army. He lived in Cusco in luxury as though the crown of Peru were already on his head. Moreover, he preferred to remain in the Sacred City rather than leave it to fight de la Gasca, preferring the President to come to him. De Carbajál was of a different mind. He felt that many of the men could not be trusted, principally those of Centeño's, who had been forced to serve under Pizarro following their defeat at Huarina. The old Captain thought too that they did not have enough men to fight de la Gasca and should leave Cusco for the mountain fastnesses and attack the President on his, Pizarro's, terms. Gonzalo refused this, and would have nothing of it. To Cepeda's advice to enter into discussions, the rebel leader dismissed the idea as useless. "In every contest with the odds against me, I have emerged victorious. I shall do so now."

Such was the feeling when de Acosta arrived to tell of the President's crossing of the Apurimac and his coming arrival at the city's gates. To this and at de Carbajál's urgent advice, Pizarro dispatched de Acosta with two hundred men to block the royalist advance across the river and their climb up the mountainous walls. But when he arrived, he was too late, for de la Gasca and his army of near 2,000 had crossed the Apurimac and scaled the mountain heights. The chance of blocking the royalist advance was lost, another mistake by Pizarro, and de Acosta rode back to Cusco in great haste to tell the news. Gonzalo, now alarmed finally at his predicament, decided to abandon the city and, at de Carbajál's urging, give battle on the flat plains near the village of Xaquixahuana.23 His forces numbered 900 men and six falconets. It was well-disciplined, since de Carbajál had trained them in battle maneuvers and tactics. The problem, however, was that he distrusted his men to stay loyal to the rebel cause.

IMAGES: 9Y-Z.32 depicts this battle's geographical location.

In the meanwhile, la Gasca learned from spies sent ahead to locate Gonzalo that the rebels were arrayed for battle on the plain of Xaquixahuana. Late in the day of April 8, the President's men mounted a slight rise and there before them in the distance appeared the camp of Pizarro. De la Gasca preferred to wait for a day before giving battle and ordered the men to remain armed all night. He designated Valdivia as the strategist for the coming combat and that Captain met at once with the officers to design a plan for the morrow.

The President called his men to arms on the new day, said Mass imploring the Lord for His special favor, and remained with his advisors and the clergy while Valdivia ordered the captains to position their men on the field according to the plan devised the night before. Gonzalo Pizarro and de Carbajál did likewise. But while doing so, there was a chorus of shouts from a few of the royalist men that a rider had left the enemy's lines and was riding away from the rebel forces and seemed to be chased by other horsemen. Valdivia sent ten mounted to assist this man, who was overtaken by his pursuers as our men arrived. Our cavalry fought off the man's attackers and led him to our lines. It was the licentiate, Cepeda, the man second in importance to Gonzalo's rebellion. It was an important defection and de la Gasca saluted him in acknowledgement. Another shout went up that more men were riding towards the royalist lines. The one in the lead was Captain Garcilasso de la Vega, a notable captain.24 He saluted de la Gasca, who nodded in return. Soldiers began now a wholesale retreat from Pizarro's side, Centeño's men from the Huarina debacle, musket men, infantry, all now fled the rebel leader's army. De Carbajál, never known to surrender, galloped to the rear and might have escaped, but his horse became mired in a muddy stream and he was captured and led back to the royalist camp.25

Gonzalo Pizarro looked at all this in stunned surprise. He was now left with the most partisan of his rebels. He turned to de Acosta with the query, "What remains for us?" "Fall upon the enemy and die like Romans." "It is better to die like Christians," replied Pizarro.26 He motioned Martín to stay with him and they rode at a walk to where the President and his captains were on horse. Gonzalo made a brief bow, at which de la Gasca abruptly asked him why he had thrown the country into rebellion, killed the viceroy, usurped the government, and refused the offers of peace made to him. The rebel began a weak response that he thought he had a right to govern and that he had done nothing wrong. "Enough of this," said de la Gasca. "Take him away, Centeño!"27 That captain did so, to the spot where de Carbajál, de Acosta, de la Vega, and the other officers were held, there to await the verdict as to their fates. Two royalists escorted Martín to the detention area for the rebel soldiers. His eyes met those of Amadís, on horse beside de la Gasca. But there was no recognition between the two of their previous friendship.

Thus ended the rout at Xaquixahuana, an affair of few deaths, with fifteen dead on the rebel side and one on the royalist. De la Gasca did not hesitate to see to the immediate fate of the prisoners and appointed his aide, Captain Alonso de Alvarado, and the licentiate, Diego Cianca,28 to see to a swift call to justice. It was not slow in coming. On the 10th of April verdicts were handed down on all those who had kept their arms to the last in rebellion. Gonzalo Pizarro was to be beheaded, de Carbajál beheaded and drawn and quartered, de Acosta hanged, and so on with the officers who had stood by Pizarro to the end. Martín Pizarro was spared execution but was punished, as were most non-officers, with a hundred rope lashings and the loss of his encomienda.29

Soldiers carried de Carbajál in a basket, his arms and legs shackled, to his execution, as he jested and rebuked those around him. The cold, remorseless, cruel, unmerciful killer now suffered the fate he had so easily imposed upon others. The executioner dispatched him with one sword stroke to the neck and, when the four extensions of his body were roped to horses, the result of their gallops was four bloody bundles of quivering flesh. These were conveyed later to Cusco, and were hung from a tree where one of the roads entered the city.

Of particular note was the execution of Gonzalo Pizarro. He came to the executioner dressed superbly in the highest fashion as if he were attending a royal reception. Kneeling before the swordsman, he kissed a crucifix, prayed, and told the man to do his duty with a steady hand. This he did, with a blow so swift that the body remained erect for a few moments as though still alive. Pizarro's head and that of de Carbajál later were taken to Lima and set in a frame, to which was attached a label with, "These are the heads of the traitors, Gonzalo Pizarro and Francisco de Carbajál, who rebelled in Peru against their Sovereign, and battled in the cause of treason against the royal standard on the plain of Xaquixahuana on the 9th of April of 1548."30

  1. Prescott ascribes this interesting recommendation to de Carbajál.
  2. (1485-1567).
  3. (1531-1596).
  4. Historians fail to identify this priest.
  5. Prescott mentions this soldier, but he is another lost to history.
  6. (1508-1571).
  7. As Zárate observes, the passing of Pizarro's fleet to la Gasca and the addition of Aldana and de Hinojosa to the Crown's forces were notable events.
  8. Pizarro, Zárate, and Prescott, relate these events in varying detail.
  9. Pedro Pizarro identifies this man but he is now lost to history.
  10. Zárate tells of these remarkable occurrences to the detriment of Pizarro.
  11. As noted in the Eighth Letter, a peso de oro was not a coin but a weight of gold of 1/6 of an ounce.
  12. Zárate tells of Pizarro's intent to retreat to the south into Chile.
  13. Prescott notes this change in Pizarro's temperament.
  14. Pizarro, Zárate, and Prescott, tell of this attempt by Pizarro to influence his once military companion.
  15. Zárate mentions this fever but Prescott says he suffered from pleurisy, without citing a source to support this.
  16. (1476-1549).
  17. (1505-1580).
  18. De Mérida agrees with Zárate as to the number of dead and wounded. Pedro Pizarro says that a total of five hundred men more or less died on both sides.
  19. Andahuaylas is 90 air miles west from Cusco at an elevation of 9,200 feet and has a population of 42,000 citizens. It is known as the "meadow of the clouds."
  20. De Mérida briefly recounts Valdivia's participation in the coming battle with Pizarro in Part UU, of Volume II: Valdivia. Valdivia mentions the comment by de la Gasca in his Letter III, P. 175-189, in "#1, Historical Sources."
  21. Zárate provides these numbers of military and religious who joined the President.
  22. This bridge sits at 7,020 feet and the road tops out at 9,950 feet. And, indeed, the road upwards has twenty-four curves!
  23. This is today's town of Anta. It sits at 10,900 feet, has a population of 58,000, and grows and harvests potatoes, barley, and quinoa for the Cusco region.
  24. (1507-1559). This man was the father of the historian of the same name and known as "El Inca."
  25. Zárate and Prescott tell of the battle and the defections.
  26. Zárate relates this dialogue.
  27. Zárate tells of this exchange between the President and Pizarro.
  28. This man is mentioned by Zárate but is now lost to history.
  29. Hemming tells of this. He says that Martín traveled later to Spain to dispute the loss of his encomienda but died during the voyage.
  30. Zárate and Prescott both tell of the executions of Carbajál and Pizarro.